In the current climate, our country desperately needs to rediscover the moral example of Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. His commitment to loving nonviolent struggle and protest was a principled response to the verifiable injustices committed against defenseless black people in our society. From King’s conception of love and non-violence sprang the equally weighty…
“Race shapes our reaction to gun violence,” professor and author David J. Leonard writes.
Written By David J. Leonard
The headlines and descriptions of domestic terrorist, Stephen Paddock, made it clear that the mass murderer was white before the public even saw his face. As media outlets plastered the Internet with the picture of Marilou Danley, his girlfriend of color, the whiteness of the Las Vegas shooter was on full display.
TMZ noted that he “doesn’t fit mass shooter profile.” Highlighting his resume, his likes/dislikes, and how he spent his retirement in quiet Mesquite, Nev., the press response has read more like an E-harmony profile than an effort to document a terrorist attack. Rather than searching for every indication of the shooter’s inherent criminality, which has been the case when people of color are at the center of violent acts, most media outlets failed to adequately chronicle how the shooting in Las Vegas was yet another mass shooting. The massacre is part of a larger epidemic of white-on-white violence that has shattered lives, destroyed communities, and left the nation looking at itself in a mirror reflecting violence and despair.
A report in The Washington Post noted that while he was “quiet” and lived like “a college freshman,” he was just a regular guy who drove a modest car and often wore khakis and a polo shirt. Another piece in The Washington Post noted how “Paddock’s family was never the same following the trauma” of his father’s arrest for bank robbery. And no one drew causal correlations between Paddock’s father’s criminal background and Paddock’s criminal acts as would have been the case if Paddock wasn’t white.
Many articles centered his brother’s perspective. His brother described him as a Joe Lunch Bucket, albeit with gold and diamonds. “He’s just a guy. He lived in Las Vegas. He played at the casinos. There’s nothing. That’s what’s so bizarre. No trouble with the law. No mental illness,” he noted.
A neighbor described Paddock as “normal.” Even strangers seemed to have liked him. A bartender at Peggy Sue’s, a spot Paddock and his girlfriend frequented, continue to support the narrative that the shooter was an average guy who had an occasional drink and liked karaoke. Paddock, to many people, isn’t what a terrorist looks like? Terrorists, indeed, to many people don’t look like white men at all. Terrorists, mass shooters, and murderous criminals don’t look like Paddock or me.
The media has turned Paddock into an isolated and normal-individual-turned-violent murderer rather than another white male among a class of white men who have killed masses of people in the U.S.
Such narratives are unique to white male mass shooters. As are the efforts to humanize and to offer cultural autopsies that point to potential gambling addictions or mental illness as the reason behind a mass shooting rather than a pervasive evil inherent in white male killers.
The erasure of “white male” mass shooters from public discourse produces coverage that depicts Paddock and countless others as individuals who we must empathize with. Paddock deserves empathy because he is not the imagined Muslim terrorist, the criminal Latino immigrant, and the Black thug. Whereas they are terrorists and super predators who “terrorize communities,” who undermine the safety and tranquility of our communities, Paddock is refashioned as a sick man who deserved help.
The murderous rampage of Paddock, like so many white male domestic terrorists before him, has become a story about Haddock rather than the epidemic of white male shooters. “White men who resort to mass violence are consistently characterized primarily as isolated ‘lone wolves’ — in no way connected to one another — while the most problematic aspects of being white in America are given a pass that nobody else receives,” Shaun King wrote at The Intercept.
The numbers don’t lie. And Stephen Paddock is no exception.
While the average age of a mass shooter is 35, and while media narratives often focus on “kids,” that is when they are white, the history of mass shootings in America is one with ample examples of older shooters. In fact, many of these instances received national attention.
Just a few months ago, James Hoginson opened fire on a GOP softball practice, injuring five.
In 2015, Robert Lewis Dear opened fire on a Colorado Springs Planned Parenthood, killing three and wounding nine others.
Five days earlier, James Houser, who was routinely described as a “drifter,” unloaded his weapon into a crowd watching TrainWreck, killing two people and wounding others.
Yet, what binds together those well-known high-school and college-age shooters, and those killers who are in their 50s and 60s, including Stephen Paddock, is that the majority of them are white men.
While representing only 31 percent of the population, white men account for over 54 percent of all shooters, according to Mother Jones. In 2015, that number was 63-64 percent.
In 2012, David Sirota, in his Salon article, “Time to Profile White Men,” noted that 70% of mass shooters were white men. Regardless of the different numbers that speak to varied definitions of what constitutes a mass shooting, it is clear that white men are overrepresented as mass shooters in the U.S. This isn’t surprising.
According to a 2013 University of Washington study, “Among many mass killers, the triple privileges of white heterosexual masculinity which make subsequent life course losses more unexpected and thus more painfully shameful ultimately buckle under the failures of downward mobility and result in a final cumulative act of violence to stave off subordinated masculinity,” the authors wrote.
The epidemic of mass shootings in the U.S. is the consequence of white privilege. And just as guns threaten the safety and security of communities throughout the nation, so does white privilege.
Despite bringing 10 suitcases, all presumably carrying guns, ammunition, and his weapons of mass destruction, “Paddock aroused no suspicion from hotel staff even as he brought in 23 guns, some of them with scopes.” And despite having ”19 additional firearms, thousands of rounds of ammunition and the chemical tannerite, an explosive,” at his Mesquite home, his neighbors expressed shock that he could have committed such atrocities. Given how race shapes who is feared, who is imagined as dangerous, who fits profile of “thug,” terrorist, or criminal,it isn’t surprising that no one suspected that he might be preparing to kill so many innocent lives.
This is very different than those who emerged after “terrorist attacks” in the United States. In the aftermath of the 2015 shooting in San Bernardino, several people questioned the lack of attention from neighbors, blaming them for failing to report suspicious activities. Arguing that they should have known and alerted authorities, the narrative seemingly indicted their neighbors for the horrific shooting that resulted in the murder of 14 people and not the killer.
Race shapes our reaction to gun violence. The shootings in Dallas and Baton Rogue served as a moment to blast and criticize Black Lives Matter and an opportunity to connect the killing of three police officers and the wounding of three others to the Black community. But Paddock’s actions, like those committed by white mass shooting brethren, will not be pinned to the entire white community.
Each report of a crime committed by an undocumented immigrant becomes a referendum on both immigrants and the Latino community, but the Vegas shooter, like Dylann Roof, James Holmes, Adam Lanza, Chris Harper ,and countless others, are turned into stories about lone wolves and not an epidemic of white male terrorists.
To be white is to be immune to the labels of terrorism despite the resulting fear of one’s violent rampage. To be white is to kill many people and still be humanized and centered in stories about one’s love for polo shirts and burritos. To be white is to compel questions and narratives that blame a killer’s actions on gambling, the impact of his father’s criminal record, and mental illness rather than his evil tendencies and actions. And from the perspective of this white male writer, to be white is to be complicit in the everyday violence of white supremacy—especially when we tell lies and not truths.
Edited for mb3-org.com
在伦敦的首轮行动消停时，两个工会参与到了Deliveroo外卖骑手的组织中。一个于2013年独立出来的小工会，“大不列颠独立工人”（The Independent Workers of Great Britain，IWGB）与在夏季的罢工中心——伦敦卡姆登（Camden）的工人联合起来。同时，“世界产业工人”（The Industrial Workers of the World，IWW）则与全国范围内的，尤其是在布里斯托（Bristol）和利兹（Leeds）的工人组织联系。在政治团体“Plan C”的支持下，一个自组织的Deliveroo工人简报，《Rebel Roo》（意为“反抗Deliveroo”），也开始被制作出来。
伦敦以外的组织和行动每月都在不断地升级着。在布里斯托，Deliveroo负责培训的工人开始了罢工并且取得了胜利。一些工会随即建立起来，在布莱顿（Brighton）也开始了由低工资引起的罢工，在利兹的工人也团结一致组织了起来。到了二月，《Rebel Roo》的发行量涨到了每月1500份（发行量占全国总工人数的10%）。在巴斯、米德尔斯堡、利物浦、朴茨茅斯、曼彻斯特和格拉斯哥这样政治多样化的城市也开始出现了一些组织。去年二月，运动中的关键人物在伦敦的“跨国社会罢工平台”（Transnational Social Strike Platform）的集会上汇集、讨论。运动似乎即将到达高潮。
2017年4月，自由工人工会（Free Workers Union，FAU）在德国柏林将送餐平台工人了组织起来。他们的诉求是：透明的工作时间、足以维生的工时、每单增加1欧元、以及带薪的每周一小时轮班。正是在这里，罢工运动首次将多个送餐平台的工人联合了起来。在5月发生了第一场抗议，80多名Deliveroo和Foodora的工人联合起来举行了示威，要求谈判。六月在Deliveroo和Foodora的总部，差不多同样人数的工人参加了第二场抗议。持续的施压迫使Foodora在柏林同意与FAU工会进行谈判，但Deliveroo仍不妥协。
不论欧洲哪里的送餐公司，它们都基于相同的基本商业模式。它们使用一个平台作为食物提供者、送餐工人和顾客的媒介。每一方都使用一个App与另外两方互动，而劳动过程则被“算法”管理控制。这意味着，他们大多数时候收到的都是来自一个自动化的系统产生的消息，这个自动化的系统被劳工学者特雷波·肖尔兹（Trebor Scholz）叫做“黑箱”（“black box”）。平台本身拥有的固定资产很少，它把所有的送餐成本外包给骑手，即骑手需要提供他们自己的单车、数据等等。不论怎么看，这些工人已经拥有了送餐过程所需的所有生产资料——除了重要的协调平台及其它的算法，而这些资料则完全被老板掌握。
这种民众组织使得工人使用非常相近的手段来与平台进行对抗。其中罢工是首要的手段，队伍中还有一些起关键作用的纠察员（flying picket）。他们主要采用两种战术：首先是运动中的移动路障和游行, 他们占领了街道，并且与工人阶级在工作场合之外的地方建立联系。这种动态过程往往能够使骑手倾听到民意，并且让社会运动聚焦于结构性的剥削问题。使用这种战术时，送餐工人的斗争就不可能被当成纯粹的“经济”问题而被搁置到一旁；第二种战术是劳工从工会中撤离。灵活的工人大规模地撤工，并在全市示威纠察，与其他骑手和顾客联系，并把他们吸引到罢工运动中来。各异的、本应无力的工人在街上与其他工人相遇时获得了力量。在这次罢工潮对劳工问题的关注中，都存在着这种动态的过程。
Edited for mb3-org.com
by Catherine Lucey and Tim Reynolds
President Donald Trump denounced protests by NFL players and rescinded a White House invitation for NBA champion Stephen Curry in a two-day rant that targeted top professional athletes and brought swift condemnation Saturday from league executives and star players alike.
Wading into thorny issues of race and politics, Trump’s comments in a Friday night speech and a series of Saturday tweets drew sharp responses from some of the nation’s top athletes, with LeBron James calling the president a “bum.” Hours later, Major League Baseball saw its first player take a knee during the national anthem.
Trump started by announcing that Curry, the popular two-time MVP for the Golden State Warriors, would not be welcome at the White House for the commemorative visit traditionally made by championship teams: “Going to the White House is considered a great honor for a championship team. Stephen Curry is hesitating, therefore invitation is withdrawn!”
Later, Trump reiterated what he said at a rally in Alabama the previous night — that NFL players who kneel for the national anthem should be fired, and called on NFL Commissioner Roger Goodell to tell them to stand. Goodell and several team owners criticized the comments.
The Warriors said it was clear they were not welcome at the White House.
Curry had said he did not want to go anyway, but the Warriors had not made a collective decision before Saturday — and had planned to discuss it in the morning before the president’s tweet, to which coach Steve Kerr said : “Not surprised. He was going to break up with us before we could break up with him.”
Others had far stronger reactions.
“U bum @StephenCurry30 already said he ain’t going!” James tweeted in a clear message to the president — a post that Twitter officials said was quickly shared many more times than any other he’s sent. “So therefore ain’t no invite. Going to White House was a great honor until you showed up!”
Curry appreciated James’ strong stance.
“That’s a pretty strong statement,” Curry said. “I think it’s bold, it’s courageous for any guy to speak up, let alone a guy that has as much to lose as LeBron does and other notable figures in the league. We all have to kind of stand as one the best we can.”
Curry added that he doesn’t believe Trump “respects the majority of Americans in this country.”
James also released a video Saturday, saying Trump has tried to divide the country. “He’s now using sports as the platform to try to divide us,” James said. “We all know how much sports brings us together. … It’s not something I can be quiet about.”
Warriors general manager Bob Myers said he was surprised by the invitation being pulled, and NBA Commissioner Adam Silver said he was disappointed that the Warriors won’t be at the White House.
“The White House visit should be something that is celebrated,” Myers said. “So we want to go to Washington, D.C., and do something to commemorate kind of who we are as an organization, what we feel, what we represent and at the same time spend our energy on that. Instead of looking backward, we want to look forward.”
Added Kerr after his team’s first practice of the season, “These are not normal times.”
Bruce Maxwell, an African-American player for the Oakland Athletics, became the first major league baseball player to kneel during the national anthem. Teammate Mark Canha, who is white, put his right hand on one of Maxwell’s shoulders during Saturday night’s anthem. The Athletics released a statement saying they “respect and support all of our players’ constitutional rights and freedom of expression.”
In New York City’s Central Park, musician Stevie Wonder declared, “Tonight, I take a knee for America. Both knees!” as he knelt on stage at the Global Citizen Festival.
As a candidate and as president, Trump’s approach has at times seemed to inflame racial tensions in a deeply divided country while emboldening groups long in the shadows. Little more than a month ago, Trump came under fire for his response to a white supremacists’ protest in Charlottesville, Virginia. Trump also pardoned Joe Arpaio, the former sheriff of Arizona’s Maricopa County, who had been found guilty of defying a judge’s order to stop racially profiling Latinos.
Trump’s latest entry into the intersection of sports and politics started in Alabama on Friday night, when he said NFL players who refused to stand for “The Star-Spangled Banner” are exhibiting a “total disrespect of our heritage.”
Several NFL players, starting last season with then-San Francisco quarterback Colin Kaepernick, have either knelt, sat or raised fists during the anthem to protest police treatment of blacks and social injustice. Last week at NFL games, four players sat or knelt during the anthem, and two raised fists while others stood by the protesters in support.
“That’s a total disrespect of everything that we stand for,” Trump said, encouraging owners to act. He added, “Wouldn’t you love to see one of these NFL owners, when somebody disrespects our flag, you’d say, ‘Get that son of a bitch off the field right now. Out! He’s fired.”
On Saturday, Trump echoed his stance.
“If a player wants the privilege of making millions of dollars in the NFL, or other leagues, he or she should not be allowed to disrespect our Great American Flag (or Country) and should stand for the National Anthem,” Trump tweeted. “If not, YOU’RE FIRED. Find something else to do!”
There are 14 NFL games Sunday, including one in London. And how players act during the anthem will certainly be closely watched at each of those games.
“You have a chance to do something really great,” music mogul Sean “Diddy” Combs told players in a tweet.
Tampa Bay receiver Desean Jackson, whose team plays at Minnesota, tweeted: “I definitely will be making a statement no disrespect to our military of service But we have to stick together as people !! Unity.”
Trump has enjoyed strong support from NFL owners, with at least seven of them donating $1 million each to Trump’s inaugural committee. They include New England Patriots owner Bob Kraft, whom Trump considers a friend.
Goodell strongly backed the players and criticized Trump for “an unfortunate lack of respect for the NFL” while several team owners issued similar statements. New York Giants owners John Mara and Steve Tisch said the comments were inappropriate and offensive. Miami Dolphins owner Stephen Ross, who has supported the players who have knelt, said the country “needs unifying leadership right now, not more divisiveness,” and San Francisco 49ers CEO Jed York ripped Trump’s comments as “callous.”
Hours after Goodell’s comments, Trump said the commissioner had “put out a statement trying to justify the total disrespect certain players show to our country. Tell them to stand!”
Terry and Kim Pegula, the owners of the Buffalo Bills, said a number of players attended a voluntary meeting with team executives, including general manager Brandon Beane, coach Sean McDermott and members of his staff.
“President Trump’s remarks were divisive and disrespectful to the entire NFL community but we tried to use them as an opportunity to further unify our team and our organization,” the Pegulas said. “Our players have the freedom to express themselves in respectful and thoughtful manner and we all agreed that our sole message is to provide and to promote an environment that is focused on love and equality.”
Plenty of other current and former stars from across sports weighed in Saturday, as did the National Basketball Players Association, which defended its members’ “free speech rights” against those seeking to “stifle” them.
Trump also bemoaned what he called a decline in violence in football, noting that it’s “not the same game” because players are now either penalized or thrown out of games for aggressive tackles.
“No man or woman should ever have to choose a job that forces them to surrender their rights,” said DeMaurice Smith, the NFL Players Association executive director. “No worker nor any athlete, professional or not, should be forced to become less than human when it comes to protecting their basic health and safety.”
Trump has met with some championship teams already in his first year in office.
Clemson visited the White House this year after winning the College Football Playoff, some members of the New England Patriots went after the Super Bowl victory and the Chicago Cubs went to the Oval Office in June to commemorate their World Series title. The Cubs also had the larger and more traditional visit with President Barack Obama in January, four days before the Trump inauguration.
North Carolina, the reigning NCAA men’s basketball champion, said Saturday it will not visit the White House this season. The Tar Heels cited scheduling conflicts.
Warriors forward Draymond Green said the good news was that Golden State won’t have to talk about going to the White House again — unless they win another title during the Trump presidency.
“Michelle Obama said it best,” Green said. “She said it best. They go low. We go high. He beat us to the punch. Happy the game is over.”
Edited for mb3-org.com
Washington, DC – Unicorn Riot is streaming live on Saturday, Sept. 16th from the National Mall as thousands of fans of the Detroit rap group Insane Clown Posse known as Juggalos gather to send a message to the FBI that they should not be designated as a “hybrid gang.”
The Juggalo crowd near the Lincoln Memorial, with a few thousand participants, vastly outnumbered a a conservative rally billed as the “Mother of All Rallies” (#MOAR) which has around 200-300 participants.
Watch the Livestream from the Juggalo march and concert at Lincoln Memorial here:
ICP artists Violent J and Shaggy 2 Dope addressed the crowd – this clip has their speeches and the march.
Unicorn Riot coverage on Saturday started with the “Mother of All Rallies” which drew around 200-300 attendees. Some “Proud Boys” and repurposed Nazi Germany “Kekistan” flag were spotted among the group.
On the west end of the National Mall, hundreds of Juggalos began to gather for their rally.
Story is developing…
Edited for mb3-org.com
After antifa clashed with right-wing protesters in Berkeley, Mayor Jesse Arreguin argued that California “should classify [Antifa] as a gang.” Later this month, juggalos – fans of the rap group Insane Clown Posse (ICP) – will protest their own federal gang classification in Washington, DC. Gang classification is commonly misunderstood. ICP themselves were originally amused and even emboldened by the FBI’s classification of their fans, since it seemed like a symbolic gesture. Indeed, there is a symbolic element. When people want juggalos, antifa, or any group legally branded as a gang, it’s partly a call for harsh public condemnation.
Like actual branding, though, the mark of gang classification comes with very real physical violence. Once a group is formally classified as a gang, police can extend that status to individuals through questionable evidence. In Arreguin’s state of California, a combination of tenuous factors like social media photos, physical presence in certain neighborhoods, and association with people already designated can be enough.
Consider the effect this would have with ntifa.
People who post antifa symbolism are ultimately making political statements, against white supremacists, the Trump administration, or whoever. Depending on how broadly “antifa symbolism” is construed, this could even extend to more generic anarchist imagery like black flags and Circle-As. Within activist communities, it would be easy to connect dots between any given leftist or anarchist and someone already hit with gang member status. This is especially true considering the diversity of “antifa”-associated activities, which can include non-violent methods like research and ostracism.
In short, classifying antifa as a gang would necessarily involve people getting listed as gang members based on political speech. Public support for antifa’s politics would be treated as affiliation, and that means more police breathing down your neck.
That increase of arbitrary police scrutiny has been a major motivation for juggalo resistance to their own classification. Once the FBI declared them a gang, ICP fans across the country were aggressively profiled for their shirts and bumper stickers.
Not only does gang classification mean more police breathing down your neck, it means more reason for their breath to make your skin crawl. When someone accused of a crime is also marked as a “gang member,” sentence enhancement laws can go into effect, meaning they can do more time for an otherwise identical crime.
All this is especially disturbing in connection to other features of gang classification systems. For instance, only within the past few years has California required parent notification for minors placed on the CalGang database. Adults still have no right to notification. There is also no serious oversight leading to countless inaccuracies in a life-changing database.
Not only would classifying a loose-knit political movement like antifa produce a chilling effect on political speech, it could also be used to legally break up activist communities. We take for granted the legality of activities like walking through a public park or meeting friends for lunch. Those the state brands with gang member status can have those basic rights restricted through gang injunctions. In a case like antifa, this very directly means the state could ban the political assembly of its critics.
Outrage against antifa is typically outrage against the use of expressive violence towards speech and assembly. Antifa’s critics are right to reject that behavior. However, those who call for antifa to be classified as a gang also call for expressive violence towards speech and assembly. Moreover, the violence they demand is worse, because it is systemic, not isolated to particular skirmishes.
The practice of gang classification is already bad enough as it is, adding yet another layer of criminalization to the everyday lives of marginalized people. Consider again the fact that just being in certain neighborhoods can be a factor in identifying gang membership. Implicit biases already lead police to view poor, black, and brown people with increased suspicion, and gang classification formalizes that into explicit law. Combined with sentence enhancement laws, this worsens the race and class impacts of mass incarceration.
Rather than extending the scope of gang classification to disfavored political groups and music fandoms, we should abolish the practice.
Edited for mb3-org.com
September 15, 2017 I’ve been doing this anti-racism work for a long time. Thirty years ago I walked into the middle of a Klan rally in rural Georgia and held up a sign that said, “Racism is ignorance” and was dragged out by a National Guardsman. Racist skinheads set my scooter on fire, left threatening […]
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