(AP) — In a park in the middle of a leafy, bohemian neighborhood where homes list for close to $1 million, a tractor’s massive claw scooped up the refuse of the homeless – mattresses, tents, wooden frames, a wicker chair, an outdoor propane heater. Workers in masks and steel-shanked boots plucked used needles and mounds of waste from the underbrush.

Just a day before, this corner of Ravenna Park was an illegal home for the down and out, one of 400 such encampments that have popped up in Seattle’s parks, under bridges, on freeway medians and along busy sidewalks. Now, as police and social workers approached, some of the dispossessed scurried away, vanishing into a metropolis that is struggling to cope with an enormous wave of homelessness.

That struggle is not Seattle’s alone. A homeless crisis of unprecedented proportions is rocking the West Coast, and its victims are being left behind by the very things that mark the region’s success: soaring housing costs, rock-bottom vacancy rates and a roaring economy that waits for no one. All along the coast, elected officials are scrambling for solutions.

“I’ve got economically zero unemployment in my city, and I’ve got thousands of homeless people that actually are working and just can’t afford housing,” said Seattle City Councilman Mike O’Brien. “There’s nowhere for these folks to move to. Every time we open up a new place, it fills up.”

The rising numbers of homeless people have pushed abject poverty into the open like never before and have overwhelmed cities and nonprofits. The surge in people living on the streets has put public health at risk, led several cities to declare states of emergency and forced cities and counties to spend millions – in some cases billions – in a search for solutions.

San Diego now scrubs its sidewalks with bleach to counter a deadly hepatitis A outbreak that has spread to other cities and forced California to declare a state of emergency last month. In Anaheim, home to Disneyland, 400 people sleep along a bike path in the shadow of Angel Stadium. Organizers in Portland lit incense at a recent outdoor food festival to cover up the stench of urine in a parking lot where vendors set up shop.

Homelessness is not new on the West Coast. But interviews with local officials and those who serve the homeless in California, Oregon and Washington – coupled with an Associated Press review of preliminary homeless data – confirm it’s getting worse. People who were once able to get by, even if they suffered a setback, are now pushed to the streets because housing has become so expensive.

All it takes is a prolonged illness, a lost job, a broken limb, a family crisis. What was once a blip in fortunes now seems a life sentence.

“Most homeless people I know aren’t homeless because they’re addicts,” said Tammy Stephen, 54, who lives at a homeless encampment in Seattle. “Most people are homeless because they can’t afford a place to live.”

Among the AP’s findings:

— Official counts taken earlier this year in California, Oregon and Washington show 168,000 homeless people in the three states, according to an AP tally of every jurisdiction in those states that reports homeless numbers to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. That is 19,000 more than were counted two years ago, although the numbers may not be directly comparable because of factors ranging from the weather to new counting methods.

— During the same period, the number of unsheltered people in the three states – defined as someone sleeping outside, in a bus or train station, abandoned building or vehicle – has climbed 18 percent to 105,000.

— Rising rents are the main culprit. The median one-bedroom apartment in the San Francisco Bay Area is significantly more expensive than it is in the New York City metro area, and apartments in San Francisco are listed at a higher price than those in Manhattan.

— Since 2015, at least 10 cities or municipal regions in California, Oregon and Washington – and Honolulu, as well – have declared states of emergency due to the rise of homelessness, a designation usually reserved for natural disasters.

“What do we want as a city to look like? That’s what the citizens here need to decide,” said Gordon Walker, head of the regional task force for the homeless in San Diego, where the unsheltered homeless population has spiked by 18 percent in the past year. “What are we going to allow? Are we willing to have people die on the streets?”


With alarming frequency, the West Coast’s newly homeless are people who were able to survive on the margins – until those margins moved.

For years, Stanley Timmings, 62, and his 61-year-old girlfriend, Linda Catlin, were able to rent a room in a friend’s house on their combined disability payments.

Last spring, that friend died of colon cancer and the couple was thrust on Seattle’s streets.

Timmings used their last savings to buy a used RV for $300 and spent another $300 to register it. They bought a car from a junk yard for $275.

Now, the couple parks the RV near a small regional airport and uses the car to get around.

They have no running water and no propane for the cook stove. They go to the bathroom in a bucket and dump it behind a nearby business. They shower and do laundry at a nonprofit and buy water at a grocery depot. After four months, the stench of human waste inside the RV is overwhelming. Every inch of space is crammed with their belongings: jugs of laundry detergent, stacks of clothes, pots and pans, and tattered paperback novels. They are exhausted, scared and defeated, with no solution in sight.

“Between the two of us a month, we get $1,440 in disability. We can’t find a place for that,” he said. “Our income is (about) $17,000 … a year. That puts us way out of the ballpark, not even close. It might have been enough but anymore, no. It’s not.”

A new study funded by the real estate information firm Zillow and conducted by the University of Washington found a strong link between rising housing prices and rising homelessness numbers. A 5 percent rent increase in Los Angeles, for example, would mean about 2,000 more homeless people there, the authors said.

Nationally, homelessness has been trending down, partly because governments and nonprofit groups have gotten better at moving people into housing. That’s true in many West Coast cities, too, but the flow the other direction is even faster. And on the West Coast, shelter systems are smaller.

“If you have a disability income, you make about $9,000 a year and renting a studio in Seattle is about $1,800 a month and so that’s twice your income,” said Margaret King, director of housing programs for DESC, a nonprofit that works with Seattle’s homeless.

“So everybody who was just hanging on because they had cheap rent, they’re losing that … and they wind up outside. It’s just exploded.”

Nowhere is that more evident than California’s Silicon Valley, where high salaries and a tight housing market have pushed rent out of reach for thousands. In ever-shifting communities of the homeless, RVs and cars cluster by the dozens in the city where Google built its global headquarters and just blocks from Stanford University.

Ellen Tara James-Penney, a lecturer at San Jose State University, has been sleeping out of a car for about a decade, ever since she lost her housing while an undergraduate at the school where she now teaches four English courses, a job that pays $28,000 a year. Home is an old Volvo.

“I’ve basically been homeless since 2007, and I’m really tired,” she said. “Really tired.”

She actually got her start in the high tech industry, before being laid off during the tech meltdown of the early 2000s. Like many who couldn’t find work, she went to college, accumulating tens of thousands of dollars in student debt along the way.

Now 54, she grades papers and prepares lesson plans in her car. Among her few belongings is a pair of her grandmother’s fancy stiletto pumps, a reminder to herself that “it’s not going to be like this forever.”

Increased housing costs aren’t just sweeping up low-income workers: The numbers of homeless youth also is rising.

A recent count in Los Angeles, for example, found that those ages 18 to 24 were the fastest-growing homeless group by age, up 64 percent, followed by those under 18. Los Angeles and other cities have made a concerted effort to improve their tallies of homeless youth, which likely accounts for some of the increase.

One of the reasons is the combined cost of housing and tuition, said Will Lehman, policy supervisor at Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority. A recent study by the University of Wisconsin found that one in five Los Angeles Community College District students is homeless, he said.

“They can pay for books, for classes but just can’t afford an apartment. They’re choosing to prioritize going to school,” Lehman said. “They don’t choose their situation.”


Michael Madigan opened a new wine bar in Portland a few years ago overlooking a ribbon of parks not far from the city’s trendy Pearl District.

Business was good until, almost overnight, dozens of homeless people showed up on the sidewalk. A large encampment on the other side of the city had been shut down, and its residents moved to the park at his doorstep.

“We literally turned the corner one day … and there were 48 tents set up on this one block that hadn’t been there the day before,” he said.

Madigan’s business dropped 50 percent in four months and he closed his bar. There are fewer homeless people there now, but the campers have moved to a bike path that winds through residential neighborhoods in east Portland, prompting hundreds of complaints about trash, noise, drug use and illegal camping.

Rachel Sterry, a naturopathic doctor, lives near that path and sometimes doesn’t feel safe when she’s commuting by bike with her 1-year-old son. Dogs have rolled in human feces in a local park; recent improvements she’s made to her small home are overshadowed by the line of tents and tarps a few dozen yards from her front door, she said.

“I have to stop and get off my bike to ask people to move their card game or their lounge chairs or their trash out of the way when I’m just trying to get from point A to point B,” she said. “If I were to scream or get hurt, nobody would know.”

For Seattle resident Elisabeth James, the reality check came when a homeless man forced his way into a glass-enclosed ATM lobby with her after she swiped her card to open the door for after-hours access. After a few nerve-wracking minutes, the man left the lobby but stayed outside, banging on the glass. Police were too busy to respond so James called her husband, who scared the man away and walked her home. The man, she believes, just wanted to get out of the rain.

A neighborhood pocket park has become a flashpoint, too: When James took her 2-year-old grandchild there, she saw people injecting heroin.

“I’m not a NIMBY person, but I just think that we can do so much more,” said James, who founded an activist group called Speak Out Seattle last year. “I wanted to do something that was effective, that brought frustrated people together to find solutions. We’re spending a lot of money to house people and we’re getting a bigger problem.”

The crisis is not limited to large metropolises. In Oregon City, a suburban, working-class town of 36,000 people, the police department this summer added a full-time position for a homeless outreach officer after roughly half the calls concerned trash, trespassing, human waste and illegal encampments.

The city has no overnight shelters and never had a significant homeless population until about three years ago.

On a recent fall day, officer Mike Day tromped into a greenbelt across from a strip mall to check on a man he recently connected with a counselor, calmed an intoxicated man and arranged emergency care for a man who was suicidal.

“How many social workers have you met that go into the woods to follow up with the homeless population and to help with mental health? This is a bit of a hybrid position, certainly, and maybe it’s not exactly the role of a police officer – but it’s a creative approach to find a solution to the problem,” he said.

The question was, “What can we do differently? Because right now, it’s not working.”


All along the West Coast, local governments are scrambling to answer that question – and taxpayers are footing the bill.

Voters have approved more than $8 billion in spending since 2015 on affordable housing and other anti-homelessness programs, mostly as tax increases. Los Angeles voters, for example, approved $1.2 billion to build 10,000 units of affordable housing over a decade to address a ballooning homeless population that’s reached 34,000 people within city limits.

Seattle spent $61 million on homeless-related issues last year, and a recent budget proposal would increase that to $63 million. Four years ago, the city spent $39 million on homelessness. Sacramento has set a goal of moving 2,000 people off the streets in the next three years and may place a housing bond before voters in 2018.

Appeals for money have angered residents who see tent encampments growing in their cities despite more spending.

“Those are like whack-a-mole because they just sprout up and then they disappear and then they sprout up somewhere else,” said Gretchen Taylor, who helped found the Neighborhood Safety Alliance of Seattle in 2016.

Seattle is initiating competitive bidding among nonprofit organizations for city dollars going toward homelessness programs. It’s also pouring money into “rapid rehousing,” a strategy that houses people quickly and then provides rental assistance for up to 18 months.

Like San Francisco, Seattle has started opening 24-hour, “low-barrier” shelters that offer beds even if people are abusing drugs, have a pet or want to sleep together as a couple. But the city’s first 24-hour shelter has only 75 beds, and turnover is extremely low.

A team of specially trained police officers and social workers has also been visiting homeless camps to try to place people in shelter. After repeated visits – and with 72 hours of notice – the city cleans out the camps and hauls away abandoned belongings.

These efforts are starting to yield results, although the overall number of homeless people continues to swell.

Nearly 740 families moved into some type of shelter between October 2016 and August 2017, and 39 percent of the people contacted by the new police teams wind up sheltered, according a recent city homeless report. That’s an improvement from a 5 percent shelter rate 18 months ago, said Sgt. Eric Zerr, who leads that effort.

But the approach has its detractors. The American Civil Liberties Union filed a lawsuit alleging the sweeps violate the constitutional protections against unreasonable search and seizure. And a debate is raging about whether the sweeps are necessary “tough love” or a cruel policy that criminalizes poverty in a city with a reputation for liberalism.

“When a city can’t offer housing, they should not be able to sweep that spot unless it’s posing some sort of significant health and safety issue,” said Sara Rankin, a professor with the Homeless Rights Advocacy Project at the Seattle University School of Law.

“If someone doesn’t have a place to go, you can’t just continue to chase them from place to place.”


Above all, the West Coast lacks long-term, low-income housing for people like Ashley Dibble and her 3-year-old daughter.

Dibble, 29, says she has been homeless off and on for about a year, after her ex-boyfriend squandered money on his car and didn’t pay the rent for three months. Evicted, Dibble says she lived in the back of a moving truck and with several different friends around Seattle before winding up on the streets. She sent her toddler to live with the girl’s paternal grandparents in Florida.

She and her new boyfriend were sleeping under tarps near Safeco Field, home of the Seattle Mariners, when an outreach team referred them to a new shelter. Now, Dibble talks to her daughter daily by phone and is trying to find a way back into housing so she can bring her home.

With an eviction on her record and little income, no one will rent to her.

“I’ve had so many doors slammed in my face, it’s ridiculous,” Dibble said, wiping away tears.

Seattle’s DESC operates 1,200 so-called “permanent supportive housing units” -housing for the mentally ill or severely addicted who can’t stay housed without constant help from case managers, counselors and rehabilitation programs. The nonprofit completes a new building every 18 months and they immediately fill; at any given time, there are only about eight to 10 units free in the whole city – but 1,600 people qualify.

Among this population, “almost nobody’s going to get housing because there isn’t any,” DESC’s Margaret King said. “It doesn’t really matter.”

There is so little housing, and so much despair. Nonprofit workers with decades of experience are shocked by the surge in homeless people and in the banality of the ways they wound up on the streets.

“It’s a sea of humanity crashing against services, and services at this point are overwhelmed, literally overwhelmed. It’s catastrophic,” said Jeremy Lemoine, an outreach case manager with REACH, a Seattle homeless-assistance program. “It’s a refugee crisis right here in the States, right here under our noses.”

“I don’t mean to sound hopeless. I generate hope for a living for people – that there is a future for them – but we need to address it now.”


Edited for

Hands off the Anarchist Movement ! Solidarity with #FAG & Anarchists in #Brazil!

Statement by the Anarkismo network and its following organizations: Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group – Melbourne, Australia, Alternative Libertaire – France Alternativa Libertaria – Italy, Organisation Socialiste Libertaire – Switzerland, Workers Solidarity Movement – Ireland, Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front – South Africa. Against normalization and repression: Struggle and organize !

via Hands off the Anarchist Movement ! Solidarity with #FAG & Anarchists in #Brazil! — Enough is Enough!

Memorial for Terrence “50” Coleman, Celebration Of Life Tonight 7:30 To 8:30pm Peter’s Park, South End, Boston Ma. 1 Year Anniversary Of Killing By Bpd

Image result for terrence coleman boston



6 underrated Marxists who don’t get enough love

6 underrated Marxists who don't get enough love

By: libcom

It’s a sad fact that many of the most radical Marxists, whose participation in working class struggle and ideas challenged not only capitalist society but also the social democratic and Leninist tendencies in the workers’ movement tend to get ignored by anarchists and Marxists alike.

In this post we look at individuals who participated in working class movements from the 1918 German revolution to the 1945 Saigon Commune to wildcat strikes in car factories in Detroit and contributed an understanding of the events of their time that we can learn from today.

In this post we look at individuals who participated in working class movements from the 1918 German revolution to the 1945 Saigon Commune to wildcat strikes in car factories in Detroit and contributed an understanding of the events of their time that we can learn from today.

1. Gavril Miasnikov

A participant in both 1905 and 1917 Revolutions as well as the Bolshevik underground, Miasnikov gained a reputation as a hardened working-class militant, doing seven years hard labour in Siberia for his activism and executing the Tsar’s brother himself. A member of the left communist fraction in the Bolshevik Party, his expulsion led to the formation of the Workers Group and eventually a complete break with the Bolshevik ideology.

While still a member, he criticised the leadership for its bureaucratisation and repression of working-class dissent both within the party and wider society, saying, in a letter to Lenin: “while you raise your hand against the capitalist, you deal a blow to the worker.”

Miasnikov’s view was that the Soviets should take over the running of society, as they had been set up during the revolution through the mass participation of the workers themselves. The party leadership and other ‘left oppositions’ within the Bolsheviks, were focused on the power of the party and the trade unions rather than the class itself.

Expelled from the party, he set up the ‘Workers Group’ and published a manifesto critical of the Bolshevik regime from Germany. In September 1923, during a strike wave in Russia, he was lured back on the pretense he would not be interfered with, was immediately arrested on arrival and exiled to Armenia, before escaping to France where he wrote ‘The Latest Deception‘, elaborating his theory of state-capitalism in the USSR, arguing it had to be overthrown and replaced with soviet democracy. In 1945 he returned to the USSR from France on a visa, but was arrested within a month by secret police, and executed 16th November 1945.

2. Ngo Van Xuyet

The life of Vietnamese Marxist Ngo Van Xuyet takes us from the anti-colonial struggle in Vietnam, where he found himself in conflict not only with the French authorities but also Ho Chi Minh’s Stalinist forces of ‘national liberation’, to the factories of Paris during the 1968 uprising.

Starting work in Saigon’s metal factories aged 14, Ngo joined the Vietnamese Trotskyist movement five years later. Involved in various struggles against French colonial rule, he was eventually imprisoned and tortured for organising a strike at his factory. He organised hunger strikes with other prisoners and later participated in the 1945 Saigon Commune before leaving Vietnam in 1948 to escape both French colonial persecution and possible assassination by Ho Chi Minh’s forces (as happened to several of his comrades).

Resettled in Paris and working in a factory making railway signals, he broke with Trotskyism and the Leninist conception of the party, mixing with anarchists, council communists and ultra-left Marxists. An active workplace militant, he was involved in the Paris Metalworkers’ Liaison Committee and a participant in France’s May 1968 revolt, writing an excellent first-hand account from the point of view of a rank-and-file factory worker angry at the actions of the French Communist Party and CGT union to contain the rebellion.

Upon his retirement, Ngo dedicated himself to recording the struggles of the Vietnamese working class and peasantry against colonialism and independent from Ho Chi Minh’s Stalinist national liberation movement as well as instances where the latter used violence against other sections of the Vietnamese revolutionary movement. He also wrote an excellent autobiography documenting his amazing life as a working-class militant across two continents called In the crossfire: adventures of a Vietnamese revolutionary.

3. Clara Zetkin

Clara Zetkin was a central figure in the left-wing of German Social Democracy, active in the Bookbinders and Tailors & Seamstresses Unions in Stuttgart when it was illegal for women to be union members.

Zetkin broke with the mainstream of the Social Democratic Party in 1914 when she took a consistent anti-war position. She joined the Spartacists with Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht, then founded the Communist Party of Germany with them in 1918. While she completely broke with the Social Democratic Party, she did not make the full break from social democracy to council communism like the KAPD or AAUD-E, and lived in Russia from 1924 until her death in 1933.

Zetkin’s work is notable for some of the earliest applications of Marx’s work in Capital to the women’s question. She analysed the entry of women and children into the labour market, and the development of automation as undermining the wages and working conditions of both men and the working class as a whole. However, she completely rejected male chauvinist attempts to restrict the participation of women in the workplace to preserve high wages, instead pointing out that the only solution to a shorter working day and the full liberation of both men and women was the overthrow of capitalism:

Just as the workers are subjugated by the capitalists, women are subjugated by men and they will continue to be in that position as long as they are not economically independent.[..] Women workers are totally convinced that the question of the emancipation of women is not an isolated one but rather constitutes a part of the great social question. They know very clearly that this question in today’s society cannot be solved without a basic transformation of society. […] The capitalist system alone must be blamed for the fact that women’s work has the opposite result of its natural tendency; it results in a longer work day instead of a considerably shorter one. […] If one demands the abolition or limitation of women’s work because of the competition it creates, one might just as well use the same logic and abolish machines in order to demand the recreation of the medieval guild system which determined the exact number of workers that were to be employed in each type of work.

For the liberation of women (1889)

Unsurprisingly, her class analysis of women’s issues meant she was scathing in her criticisms of the bourgeios suffragettes, describing in her 1903 text, ‘What Women Owe to Karl Marx’, that the ‘sisterhood’ which “supposedly wraps a unifying ribbon around bourgeois ladies and female proletarians” as bursting “like so many scintillating soap bubbles.”

Her account of discussions with Lenin about the women’s question show very effectively the limitations of Lenin’s politics in this regard, as he requested German communists focus away from sex worker organising and ‘the sex question’ towards pure party building.

In 1923, Zetkin penned an analysis of the rise of Mussolini in Italy and the nascent fascist movement in Germany. In passages which anticipate Dauvé’s work by half a century, she identifies the fascist movement as the last resort of the bourgeiosie to maintain capitalist relations via open violence against the working class and the consequence of the failure of proletarian revolutions internationally, against the reformist socialists who had blamed revolutionary attempts for the rise of fascism.

The proletariat must have a well organised apparatus of self-defence. Whenever Fascism uses violence, it must be met with proletarian violence. I do not mean by this individual terrorist acts, but the violence of the organised revolutionary class struggle of the proletariat.

(Fascism, 1923)

4. Martin Glaberman

Martin Glaberman‘s great skill was presenting complex ideas in ways which relate to people’s everyday experiences.

A worker in Detroit’s car factories from the early 1940s to the 1960s, Glaberman started his political life as a Trotskyist, joining the Johnson-Forrest Tendency, founded by (amongst others) legendary Trinidadian Marxist CLR James. By the 1950s, they had broken with Trotskyism, taking a more critical position on the USSR and rejecting the need for a vanguard party to seize power on behalf of the working class, and formed the Correspondence Publishing Committee. Glaberman remained associated with CLR James through the ’60s via the Facing Reality Group in Detroit.

Glaberman’s work is consistently rooted in the concrete experiences of the working class: the relationship of union officials to rank and file workers on the shopfloor, the relative strength of factories dependent on their position in the production process. But his work is never ‘dumbed down’; rather, his down-to-earth explanations of complex Marxist concepts lead seamlessly into practical politics. For instance, in his article Unions and workers: limitations and possibilities, he says,


Consider these two units of time: 36 seconds, the rest of your life. The job that takes 36 seconds to do that you’re going to do for the rest of your life. I don’t know a better definition of alienation than that

From here, Glaberman explains that it is that alienation “which is at the root of working class resistance and working class struggle. It is the kind of thing which is virtually impossible to measure […] Revolutions are made […] by ordinary people with all the limitations of the society, driven by 36 seconds for the rest of your life”.

Glaberman also led a Capital reading group in Detroit with black autoworkers forming the executive committee of the League of Revolutionary Black Workers, an experience he mentions in The Workers have to deal with their own reality and that transforms them. He also wrote the fantastic book, Wartime Strikes, about the wave of wildcat strikes by autoworkers following World War Two in defiance of the ‘No Strike’ pledge signed by their union.

5. Mariarosa Dalla Costa

An argument often heard in Marxist (and anarchist) circles is that feminism ‘distracts’ from the ‘more important’ issues of the class struggle. Dalla Costashows why this is nonsense, setting out a highly original fusion of Marxism with feminism and engaging in years of class-based feminist activism both in Italy and internationally.

Born in Treviso, Northern Italy, Dalla Costa was active for many years with the Autonomist Marxist group Potere Operaio (Workers’ Power) before founding Lotta Feminista (Feminist Struggle), who not only challenged the sexism rife in Italian society but also the workers’ movement and radical extra-parliamentary left. In ‘The door to the garden: feminism and Operaismo’, Dalla Costa describes how leaving Potere Operaia was “a matter of dignity” as “the relation between man and woman was, particularly in the environment of intellectual comrades, not sufficiently dignifying”.

Dalla Costa co-authored (along with Selma James) arguably Lotta Feminista’s most significant text outlining their Marxist feminist analysis. In The power of women and the subversion of the community, Dalla Costa demonstrated that, not only did women’s domestic labour reduce the cost of reproducing labour but also produced surplus value. As such, Dalla Costa was the first of the Italian operaismo movement to advance the idea that the extraction of surplus value could happen outside the sphere Marx had designated as the direct process of production, an idea which would become central to the extra-parliamentary left in Italy.

Dalla Costa’s pamphlet would become highly influential within the international women’s movement and in Italy she would be involved in numerous feminist groups promoting ‘wages for housework’ and the newspaper Le operaie della casa (The House Workers). In 2014, Dalla Costa donated a wealth of documents from her decades of activism to the Padua Civic Library, which now holds the ‘Archivio di Lotta Feminista per il salario al lavoro domestico’ (Archive of Feminist Struggle for the wages for housework struggle).

6. Ambalavaner Sivanandan

Born in Colombo, Sri Lanka, the son of a Tamil postal worker, Sivanandan left the country after the anti-Tamil riots and pogroms of 1958. Settling in the UK, he trained as a librarian, working in several public libraries before being appointed chief librarian at the Institute of Race Relations (IRR) in 1964.

In 1972, a major schism took place at the IRR: until then, the organisation had been moderate and scholarly, attempting to address ‘race relations’ issues and advise government policy. However, a sizable section of IRR staff (including Sivanandan) took issue with this orientation and challenged the board to redress it. The majority of the board resigned and the IRR reoriented itself towards supporting community organisations and building a black-led anti-racist movement in Britain. As Sivanandan, now the new IRR director, explained:


We did not want to add to the tomes which spoke in obfuscatory and erudite language to a chosen few, we no longer believed in the goodwill of governments to listen to our reasoned arguments. There was a whole lived experience – often not quantifiable in surveys – of police brutality, racial violence, media distortion, miseducation and marginalisation that it was now our duty to speak, if not to, then certainly from.

Sivanandan took over as editor of the IRR’s quarterly theoretical journal, Race, renaming it Race & Class to highlight their interrelationship. The journal was intended to inform activism, to encourage thinking “in order to do”, linking “the situation of black workers in Britain and the liberation struggles in the underdeveloped world” with the aim of building an autonomous black working-class politics in Britain (something often neglected in the traditional left and trade union movements). He has also written widely on racism, capitalism, police brutality and black anti-racist struggle in Britain, with many of those essays appearing in his book, Catching History on the Wing.


Edited for


Shelters In Boston 1 of 6


Pine Street Inn

  • 444 Harrison Avenue Boston, Ma 02118 Telephone: 617-892-9100

The Mens Inn:

  • Monday Through Saturday, 8 a.m. to 6 p.m

The Women’s Inn:

  • 363 Albany street, Length of stay- Unlimited, lottery system at 3:30 P.M.

The Shattuck shelter:

  • 170 Morton street, JP-02130, Phone: 617-892-7917
  • Length of Stay, unlimited, one time or permanent. Arrive between 3:30-6 p.m. lotteries
  • Emergency assistance-Food and clothing are available; Housing Programs; Employment Services and Job Training Programs: Veterans Services

Edited for



Senators Are Pushing Ahead with a Health Care Deal as President Trump Sends Mixed Signals

Less than a full day after cheering a bipartisan deal being worked out in Congress to stabilize the individual insurance marketplace, President Donald Trump suggested he couldn’t support it. In a tweet sent Wednesday morning, Trump said that while he stood behind Sen. Lamar Alexander of Tennessee, who worked with Washington Sen. Patty Murray on…

via Senators Are Pushing Ahead with a Health Care Deal as President Trump Sends Mixed Signals — TIME

MLK’s Example Holds the Answers to Both Racism and Political Violence

In the current climate, our country desperately needs to rediscover the moral example of Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. His commitment to loving nonviolent struggle and protest was a principled response to the verifiable injustices committed against defenseless black people in our society. From King’s conception of love and non-violence sprang the equally weighty…

via MLK’s Example Holds the Answers to Both Racism and Political Violence — TIME