Anarchy Radio 10-10-2017

LISTEN HERE: http://archive.org/details/AnarchyRadio10102017

Neither the Las Vegas massacre or the dope OD epidemic (leading cause of death for Americans under 50) bring out questioning of this stage of social existence. Blade Runner 2049. Eve of “antibiotic apocalypse” re: global resistance to the drugs. Plague rages in Madagascar. Upcoming Rewilding Conference in Portland. Need for standardized emojis. Action news, one call.

Edited for mb3-org.com

FREEDOM FORUM:   From Boston to St Louis: Jail the Guilty Cops! Thursday 10/12 7-9pm 391 Dudley Street Roxbury, MA 02119 (nearest MBTA stations:  Dudley Square-Silver Line & Bus station; Roxbury Crossing-Orange Line)

RALLY & MARCH: Boston Takes a Knee For Justice Sunday, October 29, 1pm Gathering Point: Massachusetts State House 24 Beacon Street Boston, MA 02108

COURT SUPPORT- In the Trial of David Wright Free David Wright!  Drop the Charges!  Pack the Courtroom! Wednesday-Friday 10/11-13 9am-1pm US Courthouse 1 Courthouse Way Boston, MA

Hundreds protest to free Morocco’s northern activists

Demonstrators hold banners in Arabic reading "freedom" and "Death over humiliation" during a protest in Casablanca, Morocco, Sunday, Oct. 8, 2017. Hundreds of people from around Morocco protested Sunday in the nation's economic capital, Casablanca, to demand freedom for jailed activists. Photo: Mosa'ab Elshamy, AP / Copyright 2017 The Associated Press. All rights reserved.

By : Reda Zaireg

CASABLANCA, Morocco (AP) — Hundreds of people from around Morocco protested on Sunday in the nation’s economic capital, Casablanca, to demand freedom for activists jailed for their roles in a protest movement that took off a year ago in a neglected northern city.

The demonstration was the latest of numerous protests demanding the liberation of activists from the city of Al Hoceima, in the northern Rif region where hundreds of protesters have been arrested.

Leading figures in the opposition movement known as Hirak will go on trial Oct. 17 in Casablanca. No trial date has been set for the movement’s leader, Nasser Zefzafi — arrested in June after a dramatic manhunt. An appeals court will decide this month whether a charge of attacking state security, which carries a risk of capital punishment, is maintained. The death sentence hasn’t been carried out in Morocco in decades.

Up to 1,000 protesters, led by organizers perched on a pickup truck with megaphones, gathered at a main Casablanca intersection Sunday, chanting “freedom, dignity, social justice.”

“We are here to say, ‘Enough,'” said Nabila Mounib, the president of the Federation of the Democratic Left. His federation of left-wing parties has rallied to the cause. “Release the detainees and open a debate on their demands, and above all fight the corruption that gangrenes the Rif region,” Mounib said.

The protest movement has become the biggest challenge to the North African kingdom, a U.S. ally known for its stability, since the Arab Spring in 2011 overthrew longstanding regimes in the larger region. Yet, its roots are local. Protests started a year ago when a fish monger in Al Hoceina was crushed to death by a garbage compactor while trying to save fish that officials had confiscated.

The government has promised development projects for the region, which has a long history of rebellion against Morocco’s leaders. King Hassan II, the father of monarch Mohammed VI, never visited the Rif region, something his son changed. At the end of July, the king, celebrating the 18th anniversary of his accession to the throne, included an undisclosed number of those arrested in the Al Hoceima region among the 1,178 inmates benefiting from annual pardons.

Source: http://www.ctpost.com/news/world/article/Hundreds-protest-to-free-Morocco-s-northern-12261761.php

Edited for mb3-org.com

Meet The People Who’ve Made It Their Mission To Film Incidents Of Police Brutality

Ramsey Orta in Copwatch.

The men who filmed the deaths of Eric Garner and Freddie Grey are the subjects of a new documentary.

BY: Jarett Wieselman

The names Eric Garner and Freddie Grey have become synonymous with the United States’ endemic issues with police brutality and racial injustice. Footage of Garner’s and Grey’s deaths at the hands of police officers was captured by bystanders — the former in 2014, the latter in 2015 — and spread quickly around the globe, becoming a call to arms for the Black Lives Matter movement.

And while Garner and Grey’s names are now emblematic, very few people have heard of Ramsey Orta and Kevin Moore, the men who captured Garner and Grey’s deaths on camera.

Kevin Moore in Copwatch.

Now, with her documentary Copwatch, journalist and filmmaker Camilla Hall is shining a light on Orta, Moore, and the team of like-minded citizen activists who make up WeCopwatch, a grassroots organization that films on-duty police officers in the hopes of deterring future police brutality–related deaths.

Hall had been researching police brutality for a different documentary when she discovered that both Orta and Moore had been arrested shortly after their videos went viral. Orta was arrested several times following Garner’s death and is currently incarcerated after taking a plea deal related to drug and gun charges; Moore was arrested less than one month after Grey’s death while filming a protest for WeCopwatch. He was later released. Both men claim their arrests were retaliation for the videos they recorded.

“I thought, Wellwhat’s going on here? Why is nobody asking these questions? Because this is a story that needs to be told,” Hall told BuzzFeed News.

But telling that story wasn’t easy. Orta’s lawyers quickly — and repeatedly — declined Hall’s requests for interviews. Eventually, she discovered that Orta had begun to work with WeCopwatch and a colleague put her in touch with Jacob Crawford, the organization’s co-founder. “Jacob, as much as he doesn’t show that prominently in the documentary, behind the scenes, he’s doing so much to actually create a platform for other people,” Hall said. “He’s somebody who has really taught a lot of the guys the importance of how to store video, saving it, backing it up — not just filming. It’s all the boring stuff of backing it up, putting it somewhere secure, and dealing with the judicial system when necessary and helping people to navigate that.”

Orta and Moore in Copwatch.

With Crawford’s blessing, Hall and her team embedded with WeCopwatch for nearly a year, following Orta, Moore, and their colleagues as they policed the police from fall 2015 to October 2016. “There was a lot of nervousness around opening up, around letting people in because they have experienced surveillance and we had to be there to gain that trust,” Hall said. “It was actually very important to the subjects of the documentary that we understood what it was like and we actually went through the paces with them … to show that we were willing to be in the trenches with them, that we weren’t going to just fly in and stay in a fancy hotel and dip in and out of their lives; there was very much a need to connect personally to be able to tell this story.”

That meant Hall and her team were also on the front lines of WeCopwatch’s fight; often filming the confrontations police officers had with Orta and Moore. “It definitely changed my view personally,” she said. “I come from the UK where officers are not armed to the same degree; we also don’t have the same levels of gun violence. That’s very alien to me and quite terrifying to experience, to be honest. It’s hard to show in the film the level of sacrifice these guys have made. It’s almost to the detriment of themselves; they do kind of tend to drop everything for somebody else. It’s incredibly inspiring to see people who are willing to do that.”

Camilla Hall, director of Copwatch.

Hall hopes watching Orta, Moore, and the team in action will inspire others to follow their lead. “If you see an incident with the police, take out your camera,” she said. “You have the ability to document what’s going on and you have the chance to, perhaps, be supporting somebody who may not be of the same privilege as you. It could be anyone who is going through that experience but you have the choice to stand there and to witness it and to provide support.”

Hall described her documentary as “simply just a plea for humanity.” “A plea to look out for each other; to look out for your neighbor. To not walk by when something terrible is happening to somebody else and taking that active decision to look out for one another,” she continued. “I think it’s just something we’ve lost to some degree. These have to be active decisions. Even if we change the way one person behaves, that’s something to celebrate at this point.”

Edited foe mb3-org.com

The Epidemic Of White Male Terrorism And Its Connection To White Privilege

Las Vegas Mourns After Largest Mass Shooting In U.S. History

Written By David J. Leonard

The headlines and descriptions of domestic terrorist, Stephen Paddock, made it clear that the mass murderer was white before the public even saw his face. As media outlets plastered the Internet with the picture of Marilou Danley, his girlfriend of color, the whiteness of the Las Vegas shooter was on full display.

TMZ noted that he doesn’t fit mass shooter profile.” Highlighting his resume, his likes/dislikes, and how he spent his retirement in quiet Mesquite, Nev., the press response has read more like an E-harmony profile than an effort to document a terrorist attack. Rather than searching for every indication of the shooter’s inherent criminality, which has been the case when people of color are at the center of violent acts, most media outlets failed to adequately chronicle how the shooting in Las Vegas was yet another mass shooting. The massacre is part of a larger epidemic of white-on-white violence that has shattered lives, destroyed communities, and left the nation looking at itself in a mirror reflecting violence and despair.

report in The Washington Post noted that while he was “quiet” and lived like “a college freshman,” he was just a regular guy who drove a modest car and often wore khakis and a polo shirt. Another piece in The Washington Post noted how “Paddock’s family was never the same following the trauma” of his father’s arrest for bank robbery. And no one drew causal correlations between Paddock’s father’s criminal background and Paddock’s criminal acts as would have been the case if Paddock wasn’t white.

Many articles centered his brother’s perspective. His brother described him as a Joe Lunch Bucket, albeit with gold and diamonds. “He’s just a guy. He lived in Las Vegas. He played at the casinos. There’s nothing. That’s what’s so bizarre. No trouble with the law. No mental illness,” he noted.

A neighbor described Paddock as “normal.” Even strangers seemed to have liked him. A bartender at Peggy Sue’s, a spot Paddock and his girlfriend frequented, continue to support the narrative that the shooter was an average guy who had an occasional drink and liked karaoke. Paddock, to many people, isn’t what a terrorist looks like? Terrorists, indeed, to many people don’t look like white men at all. Terrorists, mass shooters, and murderous criminals don’t look like Paddock or me.

The media has turned Paddock into an isolated and normal-individual-turned-violent murderer rather than another white male among a class of white men who have killed masses of people in the U.S.

Such narratives are unique to white male mass shooters. As are the efforts to humanize and to offer cultural autopsies that point to potential gambling addictions or mental illness as the reason behind a mass shooting rather than a pervasive evil inherent in white male killers.

The erasure of “white male” mass shooters from public discourse produces coverage that depicts Paddock and countless others as individuals who we must empathize with. Paddock deserves empathy because he is not the imagined Muslim terrorist, the criminal Latino immigrant, and the Black thug. Whereas they are terrorists and super predators who “terrorize communities,” who undermine the safety and tranquility of our communities, Paddock is refashioned as a sick man who deserved help.

The murderous rampage of Paddock, like so many white male domestic terrorists before him, has become a story about Haddock rather than the epidemic of white male shooters. “White men who resort to mass violence are consistently characterized primarily as isolated ‘lone wolves’ — in no way connected to one another — while the most problematic aspects of being white in America are given a pass that nobody else receives,” Shaun King wrote at The Intercept.

The numbers don’t lie. And Stephen Paddock is no exception.

While the average age of a mass shooter is 35, and while media narratives often focus on “kids,” that is when they are white, the history of mass shootings in America is one with ample examples of older shooters. In fact, many of these instances received national attention.

Just a few months ago, James Hoginson opened fire on a GOP softball practice, injuring five.

In 2015, Robert Lewis Dear opened fire on a Colorado Springs Planned Parenthood, killing three and wounding nine others.

Five days earlier, James Houser, who was routinely described as a “drifter,” unloaded his weapon into a crowd watching TrainWreck, killing two people and wounding others.

Yet, what binds together those well-known high-school and college-age shooters, and those killers who are in their 50s and 60s, including Stephen Paddock, is that the majority of them are white men.

While representing only 31 percent of the population, white men account for over 54 percent of all shooters, according to Mother Jones. In 2015, that number was 63-64 percent.

In 2012, David Sirota, in his Salon article, “Time to Profile White Men,” noted that 70% of mass shooters were white men. Regardless of the different numbers that speak to varied definitions of what constitutes a mass shooting, it is clear that white men are overrepresented as mass shooters in the U.S. This isn’t surprising.

According to a 2013 University of Washington study, “Among many mass killers, the triple privileges of white heterosexual masculinity which make subsequent life course losses more unexpected and thus more painfully shameful ultimately buckle under the failures of downward mobility and result in a final cumulative act of violence to stave off subordinated masculinity,” the authors wrote.

The epidemic of mass shootings in the U.S. is the consequence of white privilege. And just as guns threaten the safety and security of communities throughout the nation, so does white privilege.

Despite bringing 10 suitcases, all presumably carrying guns, ammunition, and his weapons of mass destruction, “Paddock aroused no suspicion from hotel staff even as he brought in 23 guns, some of them with scopes.” And despite having ”19 additional firearms, thousands of rounds of ammunition and the chemical tannerite, an explosive,” at his Mesquite home, his neighbors expressed shock that he could have committed such atrocities. Given how race shapes who is feared, who is imagined as dangerous, who fits profile of “thug,” terrorist, or criminal,it isn’t surprising that no one suspected that he might be preparing to kill so many innocent lives.

This is very different than those who emerged after “terrorist attacks” in the United States.  In the aftermath of the 2015 shooting in San Bernardino, several people questioned the lack of attention from neighbors, blaming them for failing to report suspicious activities. Arguing that they should have known and alerted authorities, the narrative seemingly indicted their neighbors for the horrific shooting that resulted in the murder of 14 people and not the killer.

Race shapes our reaction to gun violence. The shootings in Dallas and Baton Rogue served as a moment to blast and criticize Black Lives Matter and an opportunity to connect the killing of three police officers and the wounding of three others to the Black community. But Paddock’s actions, like those committed by white mass shooting brethren, will not be pinned to the entire white community.

Each report of a crime committed by an undocumented immigrant becomes a referendum on both immigrants and the Latino community, but the Vegas shooter, like Dylann RoofJames HolmesAdam LanzaChris Harper ,and countless others, are turned into stories about lone wolves and not an epidemic of white male terrorists.

To be white is to be immune to the labels of terrorism despite the resulting fear of one’s violent rampage. To be white is to kill many people and still be humanized and centered in stories about one’s love for polo shirts and burritos. To be white is to compel questions and narratives that blame a killer’s actions on gambling, the impact of his father’s criminal record, and mental illness rather than his evil tendencies and actions. And from the perspective of this white male writer, to be white is to be complicit in the everyday violence of white supremacy—especially when we tell lies and not truths.

Edited for mb3-org.com